03 July 2025

More grateful Displaced Persons, December 1947, by Ann Tündern-Smith

The Western Australian Immigration file of papers for the arrival of the First Transport party includes a letter of thanks additional to the one from Roberts Miezitis we have looked at already.  

This one's 14 December date and the phrase, "leaving for Canberra" suggest that it was written in the Bonegilla camp.  The envelope filed with it is addressed to the Commander of the Graylands "Immigration Centre".  You will remember that Graylands army base is where all the women were housed during their Perth stopover.

The group who went to Canberra on 14 December, according to the Bonegilla cards, were 5 women only, all destined to work in the Acton Guest House.  They were 4 Latvians and a Lithuanian.  Four were to work as waitresses.  One Latvian became a cleaner or, in the terminology of the day, a "domestic".

The name may make you think that Acton Guest House was some sort of holiday destination but, in fact, it was a home for public servants who were yet to buy their own homes in Canberra.  More soon.

Here is a copy of the original letter.  There also is a typed copy on the same file.

Source:  National Archives of Australia

Presumably this letter was written by one of Antonia Baranovskis, Zelvi Elksnis, Mirdza (Mitzi) Klavins, Inta Vitolins or Birute Tamulyte, the 5 in the first group to Canberra.

We have to wonder if this was the first time that the phrase "New Australians" was used in writing.  Within months, the Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell, was urging the press and the public to use it instead of "Balts". 

For this reason, Balts now has something of a derogatory tone about it in some people's minds, whereas there is written evidence that it had been used for decades at least as the normal description for people from the three Baltic states.

From the Second Transport on, through another 147 ship arrivals, the passengers came from a variety of Eastern European nations in addition to the Baltic States.  "Balts" was now a misnomer.

SOURCE

National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Western Australian Branch; PP482/1, Correspondence files [nominal rolls], single number series; 82, General Heintzelman - arrived Fremantle 28 November 1947 - nominal rolls of passengers https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=439196 accessed 27 June 2025.


02 July 2025

30 Return to Western Australia, by Ann Tündern-Smith

We've noted already that the Western Australian public and, probably, Western Australian public officials, thought that all of the passengers were going to stay in their state. It therefore was politic to oblige at least one Western Australia employer with a group of new employees. 

In fact, three employers were supported, all in the timber industry one way or another. They were Bunning Brothers (now known nationally and in New Zealand), Millers Timber & Trading Co Ltd and the State Saw Mills. Between them, they were supplied with 30 workers. All left the Bonegilla Reception and Training Centre on 15 January 1948. That was after a 5-week stay in the Bonegilla camp and about 6 weeks since they had left Western Australia on the Kanimbla.

The first notice of their impending arrival was given 10 days before they left for Western Australia. Given the size of the report and its placement at the bottom of page 8 of the local daily newspaper, maybe the disappointment wasn't so great after all.

The second paragraph contains the first news of the return of 30 men to WA

Regardless of their previous experience (at least one placed elsewhere had been a senior manager), they would all start on the bottom rung of the timber industry as labourers, a sawmillers’ spokesman told the West Australian newspaper. They would receive union rates of pay (as mandated by the Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell, and the best way of ensuring their integration into the workforce anyhow).

Source:  West Australian, 6 January 1948, page 7

On the same day, 6 January, the West Australian ran an editorial in support of the new Baltic arrivals and European migration generally.  This was important, given how focussed migration plans had been on sourcing Britons until Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell, had visited Europe in the middle of the previous year.  It meant that an influential voice in Western Australia was supportin Calwell's new direction

The West Australian's editorial in support of migration from Europe
Source:  West Australian, 6 January 1948, page 7

The West Australian reported 2 days after they left Bonegilla that they were expected in Perth two days later, on January 19. Their destinations would be the towns of Pemberton, Jarrahdale, Treesville and Manjimup. (Two of those names do sound like settlements started specifically for the timber industry.)

Like the previous two notices, this one was tucked away, again on page 7.

Source:  West Australian, 17 January 1948

The Perth evening newspaper, the Daily News, gave them much more prominence on their day of their arrival, with a photograph and report on page 2. Indeed, there was page 1 prominence given to one of the men, former Estonian Albert Kaddatz. I hope we can look at him in more detail soon.

Page 2 news with a photograph this time!
Source:  Perth
Daily News, 19 January 1948
(Click on the image for a more legible version in a new webpage)

All of the men with their potential employers are listed below.

 
Bunning Brothers
Gerhard GruscinLithuanian
Anskis ReizgysLithuanian
Edvardas RimkeviciusLithuanian
Zenonas SakalinskasLithuanian
Juozas SadauskasLithuanian
Kostas SandaLithuanian
Anton KokinsLatvian
Janis ReinholdsLatvian
Olgerts RutkisLatvian
 
Millers Timber & Trading Co Ltd
Hugo PoldemaaEstonian
Izidors PuzulisLatvian
Janis-Benedikts PlaudisLatvian
Vladis NorbertsLatvian
Juozas MozurasLithuanian
Jonas PlestysLithuanian
Zigmas PlukisLithuanian
Algirdas PranckunasLithuanian
Antanas PreimonasLithuanian
Stasys RastutisLithuanian
 
State Saw Mills
Albert KaddatzEstonian
Algirdas UndzenasLithuanian
Juozas SavikasLithuanian
Augustinas SemiotasLithuanian
Kazys SinkeviciusLithuanian
Alfonsas SlionskisLithuanian
Bronius SmalioriusLithuanian
Alfredas SutkeviciusLithuanian
Jurgis TucinskasLithuanian
Pranas VysniauskasLithuanian

Once again, the number of names do not match the claimed numbers involved. There are no 30 people above, but 29.

The explanation in this case is the missing Bonegilla card for Alfonsas Sadauskas. We already know his story, thanks to a son, Vidas, who says that Alfonsas was sent to the Mundaring Weir area about 40km east of Perth. What we don’t know is which of the three employers sent him there.

He was not necessarily employed with Juozas Sadauskas, who appears not to have been a relative. In fact, the name Sadauskas is so common that 3 people called Juozas Sadauskas, but with different dates of birth, migrated to Australia under the IRO Mass Scheme.

Just as we now have linked Alfonsas Sadauskas’ story to the mention of his name above, we’ll link other stories to their names above as they come to hand.

SOURCE

National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Western Australian Branch; PP482/1, Correspondence files [nominal rolls], single number series; 82, General Heintzelman - arrived Fremantle 28 November 1947 - nominal rolls of passengers https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=439196 accessed 27 June 2025.

 

30 June 2025

Lost luggage, by Ann Tündern-Smith

Not all about the Heintzelman voyage was happiness.  Lost luggage spoiled the trip for several.

Nikolajs Bergtals: see below for his 'found' story

Estonian woman, Salme Pochla, would have had her voyage ruined already when told that she would not be allowed to enter Australia.  She may or may not have been told the reason:  an adverse security report received after the Heintzelman had sailed.


To cap it off, some or all of her luggage, described as “packages", was lost. No trace of it could be found in Fremantle – or Perth presumably, either, since the luggage was transferred there for Customs examination on 29 November.


Then there was Karolis Prasmutas, a Lithuanian man who we have met in an earlier blog entry.  Once he had reached his first employer, the State Electricity Commission at Yallourn in Victoria, he set about making written inquiries.  He described his luggage as a square box made of “tin aluminium” painted blue.  Knowing Karolis from his blog entry, he may well have made the square box himself.


His missing box contained his professional books and tools as well as some clothes and shoes. He suggested that the value of the lost luggage of about £40, around 4 weeks  income when the minimum wage was £5/9/-, less tax.


He wrote to the International Refugee Organisation (IRO) representative in Sydney saying that the luggage had not come off the Heintzelman with him.  Immigration officials had told him that they would let him know about the luggage when he arrived at Bonagilla. However, the Immigration official he talked with at Bonegilla told him that he had no information.


It was the Provisional Committee of the International Refugee Organisation (PCIRO) which had organised the Heintzelman’s voyage from Germany on behalf of the Australian Government.


A member of the Australian Parliament’s upper house, the Senate, got involved. One reason for Senator Donald Grant’s involvement may have been that he was based in Sydney, like the IRO.  He wrote to the company which had handled the Heintzelman’s arrival in Fremantle, the Orient Steam Navigation Company, to say that an IRO staff member had passed Karolis’ letter to him. 


Correspondence on the missing box continued for nearly 6 months, until a senior Immigration official in Canberra advised that no further action was required from the Department’s Western Australia office.  The definitive advice may have been that from the manager of a transport service employed by the Orient Company who wrote that he had inquired of Stuttgart in Germany without getting a reply and had also had a thorough check done of the Perth camps, a warehouse and the Fremantle wharves.


He noted that in this instance the majority of the names on the packages transported were “impossible to read or understand whilst some 200 packages were without marks or numbers". Due to this, the company had relied on the migrants identifying and claiming their luggage at the Graylands camp. 


Although there is no mention of it on the file we have to assume, as the transport manager seems to have done, that Karolis was sent to this camp and not Swanbourne. Either that or the more than 400 at Swanbourne were bussed to Graylands to be part of the scrimmage — a possibility of which there is no remaining evidence.


Having the new arrivals identify their own luggage may well have led to a situation where nice looking luggage was claimed by someone else, especially if it had lost or badly damaged labels.


Karolis Prasmutas was not the only Lithuanian to suffer loss of his luggage. Birute Gruzas, formerly Tamulyte, told me that her luggage had disappeared before she was able to claim it in Perth. As Birute had already lost everything she was carrying when a bomb blew up the bridge she was crossing on her way to refuge in Germany, she was one tough 19-year-old to pick herself up and carry on for the second time in her life.


These are the known cases of lost luggage. How many others were there, if Birute's story is not recorded?


On the other hand, we also have one example of lost articles being found and returned to their owner.


On 5 December 1947, that is 3 days after the Kanimbla had left, a wallet was handed in at the Fremantle police station. Given the contents of the wallet recorded by the police, it may have been more in the nature of a folder or portfolio.


Those contents were a foreign passport in the name of Nikolajs Bergtals, a temporary travel document in the same name, a map of Nord West Deutschland (Northwest Germany), a visiting card, a letter written in a foreign language, two foreign doctors’ prescriptions, six personal references and six photographs. 


The man who had found the wallet had a Russian name, Ivan Estinoff. He was said to be “of the Jeanette Fruit Palace” in High Street, Fremantle, so perhaps its proprietor. Given his presence in Australia, he may well have held similar political views to the new arrivals.


The Acting Commonwealth Migration Officer for Western Australia, RW Gratwick, posted the wallet by registered mail directly to Bonegilla on 17 December.  It crossed with a letter from the Acting Commonwealth Migration Officer at the Bonagilla camp, LT Gamble, who enquired on behalf of Nikolajs on 21 December. An undated memorandum from Gamble to Gratwick, but with a December receipt stamp, records the arrival of the package still containing all the articles.


Gamble added, “The articles referred to have been handed to the owner who desires to express his grateful thanks for your action in the matter.”


Its arrival must have been something of a Christmas present.  No wonder we have another thankful new arrival.


SOURCES


Australian Government, Fair Work Commission ‘The history of the Australian minimum wage’ https://www.fwc.gov.au/about-us/history/history-australian-minimum-wage accessed 30 June 2025.


National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Western Australian Branch; PP482/1, Correspondence files [nominal rolls], single number series; 82, General Heintzelman - arrived Fremantle 28 November 1947 - nominal rolls of passengers https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=439196 accessed 27 June 2025.

29 June 2025

The stopover in Perth, 28 November - 2 December 1947 by Ann Tündern-Smith

We've looked already at the carefully organised disembarkation of 839 passengers from the USAT General Stuart Heintzelman in Fremantle, the harbour for Western Australia's capital city of Perth.  We've read the letter of thanks from Roberts Miezitis to the managers of the Swanbourne Barracks canteen.  Below is the covering note from the Acting Commonwealth Migration Officer for Western Australia, RW Gratwick.


The report from the Supervising Manager of both Army camps, or perhaps only the Graylands camp, Mr C Huck follows.


I reckon he fudged his figures because he thought that he had to get a total of 844.  For instance, 114 women is the number on women on the Heintzelman, not the 112 allowed to land.

In reality, there were 843 on the Heintzelman as one person had not embarked at the last minute.  We already know from the disembarkation report that 4 were not allowed to land in Australia, while a fifth was taken to hospital for treatment.  The numbers in Mr Huck's report should add up to only 838.

I wonder also about his 9.30 pm departure time on 2 December, since JB Thompson's report to RW Gratwick says that the Kanimbla had sailed at "1800 hrs." on 2 December.  That time converts to 6 pm.

This lower headcount make the cost per head slightly more expensive than Mr Huck's calculation, as the money was spent on fewer people.  However, given the two debatable figures so far, I've decided that the total number of meals could be out too, so checking is best put to one side.

In any case, on 22 pennies each day translates into Australian decimal currency as 22 cents.  The Reserve Bank's Pre-Decimal Inflation Calculator says that what cost 22 cents in 1947 would have cost $7.63 in 2024.  While you wouldn't get a cup of coffee and something to go with it for $7.63 now, the two camp canteens would have had the benefit of buying in bulk at wholesale prices.

Sources

National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Western Australian Branch; PP482/1, Correspondence files [nominal rolls], single number series; 82, General Heintzelman - arrived Fremantle 28 November 1947 - nominal rolls of passengers https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=439196 accessed 27 June 2025.

Reserve Bank of Australia, Pre-Decimal Inflation Calculator https://www.rba.gov.au/calculator/annualPreDecimal.html accessed 29 June 2025.

27 June 2025

Roberts Miezitis, who was thankful, by Ann Tündern-Smith

Born in 1909, Latvian Roberts Miezitis was one of the older passengers on the First Transport, the USAT General Stuart Heintzelman.  His spoken English was so good that he was one of 15 nominated by cable from Germany as suitable for employment in an Australian staging camp as teacher or interpreter.  His written English, if transcribed faithfully in the typescript below, was a work in progress, but still easy to understand.

Robert Miezitis' letter with at least one transcription error 
(the spelling of his family name)

Mr and Mrs Webb ran the canteen at the Swanbourne Barracks, according to Gratwick's minute to Nutt.

Why do we have it still?  It was attached to a report sent from Perth to Canberra, by the Acting Commonwealth Migration Officer for Western Australia, RW Gratwick, to the Deputy Secretary of the Department of Immigration (Arthur Leonard) Nutt.   Gratwick attached two other reports will I will put up soon.

"Oronge" is mentioned three times, as a symbol of luxury, I suspect. Not necessarily in Europe before WWII, but certainly during the War.

Given the abundance of oranges and orange juice in Australia today, it's hard to image them as luxuries. Only one hundred years and more ago, they were luxuries in Europe. Hence the "orangerie", a greenhouse rich people had on their properties specifically to grow them.

Sources

National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Central Office; A445/1, Correspondence files, multiple number series (policy matters); 174/4/8, Bonegilla Centre - Education of new Australians https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=75444 accessed 27 June 2025.

National Archives of Australia:  Department of Immigration, Western Australian Branch; PP482/1, Correspondence files [nominal rolls], single number series; 82, General Heintzelman - arrived Fremantle 28 November 1947 - nominal rolls of passengers https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=439196 accessed 27 June 2025.

25 June 2025

14 June 1941 in the Baltic States: Why We are Here in Australia, by ChatGPT with Ann Tündern-Smith

The First Soviet Mass Deportations and Their Legacy

On 14 June 1941, horror descended upon the Baltic States.  In the dead of night, the Soviet NKVD, the secret police, began the first mass deportations from these countries, which had been annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940. 

This date marks a watershed in Baltic history, since it wasn not only the onset of brutal repression but also the start of a national trauma whose legacy reverberates still. In the Baltics, June 14 is now observed as a day of mourning, while in Australia, home to many Baltic refugees and their descendants, the day is remembered through public events.

Historical Context

Following the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939 — a non-aggression treaty between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union which included secret protocols for the division of Eastern Europe — the fate of the Baltics was sealed. In June 1940, Soviet forces occupied Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Within months, puppet governments were installed and elections rigged. The Baltic republics were annexed formally into the USSR by August 1940.

Though the occupation was presented as "voluntary accession," the reality was a coercive and violent absorption into the Soviet system. The Soviets began to eliminate potential opposition by targeting political, military, and intellectual elites, as well as wealthier citizens and anyone associated with the former independent governments.

The Deportations of 13-14 June 1941

Late in 13 June 1941 and the early hours of 14 June, mass arrests and deportations commenced almost simultaneously in the 3 states. Soviet security forces, with lists prepared in advance, knocked on doors and gave families as little as 15 minutes to gather belongings. Entire families — including women, children, and the elderly — were forcibly removed from their homes and placed in cattle wagons bound for remote regions of the Soviet Union.

The cattle wagons

In Lithuania:

An estimated 17,500 people were deported in this first wave. Among them were government officials, clergy, teachers, business people, farmers, and their families. Many were sent to Altai Krai, Komi ASSR, and Tomsk Oblast. Men were typically separated from their families and sent to prison camps (gulags), while women and children were sent to forced settlements.  In these forced settlements, they could try to resume normal lives, still under NKVD supervision, so they were not allowed to leave.

In Latvia:

Approximately 15,400 individuals were deported. The operation targeted social elites: former ministers, parliamentarians, judges, police, and affluent farmers ("kulaks"). Some 1,700 men were executed or died in gulags. The rest of their families endured forced resettlement in harsh climates, with high mortality among children.

In Estonia:

Around 10,200 people were deported, again largely consisting of political, military, and social elites. Among them were 4,331 children under 16. The death rate among deportees was high due to poor living conditions, starvation, cold, and disease. For Estonians, this event remains one of the darkest in their history.

In all three countries:

The trains took their time to depart, depending on other needs for the railway lines.  Locals who had not been rounded up could hear those imprisoned inside calling for help, for water, but were kept away by armed guards.  The impending deportations were no secret.

Purpose and Method

The deportations were designed to eliminate potential resistance to Soviet rule and to transform Baltic society into a model Soviet state. By targeting elites and displacing thousands, the Soviets aimed to:

  • instil terror and submission;
  • dismantle national identity and leadership structures;
  • replace populations with more compliant or Russian-speaking groups (in later waves);
  • create labour for remote Soviet industries and agriculture.

The cattle wagons used in the deportations were overcrowded, had no sanitation, and lacked food and water. The journey lasted weeks, with many dying en route. Once at their destinations, deportees faced harsh climates, forced labour, and extreme poverty.

The Timing: Days Before Operation Barbarossa

The mass deportations took place just eight days before Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 in Operation Barbarossa. The NKVD rushed to complete the operation, fearing that an invasion would complicate future control. Nazi forces were welcomed by some Balts in the initial phase of the invasion, as they appeared to be liberators from Soviet oppression. However, Nazi occupation soon brought its own set of atrocities, especially against the Jewish population.

What happened as the Soviets started to return

As the Soviet forces started to return to the Baltic States, young people often found themselves rounded up to assist the German forces or taken to Germany to assist with the war effort there.

Ann has been told tales of teenage boys taken from their schools by the Germans to dig ditches between the Germans and the Soviets as they were firing at each other.

On 10 March 1944, a Soviet squadron of women bomber pilots, the Night Witches, bombed parts of Estonia's capital city.  This was Stalin's way of saying that he could exercise control over populations controlled by the Germans, if he wanted to.  The German response was to invite women to travel by train to Germany, for safety as well as contributing to Germany with their labour.  Ann's mother found that her apartment has been badly damaged by the bombing and was one of those who left.

Others had been told that they had been on the June 1941 lists, but had missed the deportations by being out for the evening when the NKVD called.

All in all, by the late summer of 1944, with the Soviet forces drawing closer and the Germans packing to leave, the memory of 14 June meant that anyone who had a chance to get out did try to get out.  Those who could leave with the German Army did so.  Ships were crammed full.

In short, June 14 is why an estimated 300,000 fled the Baltic States for Germany, and Sweden, in 1944.

Remembering 14 June in Australia

In Australia today, the events of 14 June 1941 are remembered by the Baltic communities in:

  • Commemorative services, often held in Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, and Canberra;
  • Flag raisings and memorial events at Baltic community halls;
  • Survivor testimonies shared through community newsletters and websites;
  • Collaboration with embassies and consulates to honour the date;
  • Participation in broader anti-communist remembrance events, such as Black Ribbon Day (August 23) and Victims of Communism Day (May 23 in Lithuania, June 14 in Estonia and Latvia).
    Baltic refugees gather at the Australian War Memorial in Canberra in June 1953


Today, June 14 is marked annually as the "Day of Mourning and Hope" in Lithuania, "Commemoration Day of Victims of Communist Genocide" in Latvia, and "Day of Mourning" in Estonia.

Common forms of commemoration include:

  • public ceremonies at railway stations, cemeteries, and national monuments;
  • readings of victims' names, often by schoolchildren or public figures;
  • church services and candlelight vigils;
  • museum exhibitions and academic conferences;
  • national television broadcasts, documentaries, and survivor interviews;
  • In Lithuania, a symbolic train journey is sometimes recreated to honour deportees.

These events are solemn but central to reinforcing national memory and identity, especially among younger generations. The trauma of deportation is also a key element in literature, film, and political discourse across the Baltics.

Cultural Memory and Education

Across the Baltics and among the diaspora, the deportations of 1941 are deeply embedded in national historical narratives. The event is taught in schools and universities, and numerous memoirs, novels, and films have been created to preserve the memory.

Notable examples include:

  • "Between Shades of Gray" by Ruta Sepetys (Lithuanian-American), a novel inspired by her relatives' deportation;
  • Documentaries like "The Soviet Story" and national TV series produced in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania;
  • Digital memory projects like "Siberian Memories" and "Names and Fates", which document the lives of deportees.

In Australia, younger members of the diaspora are engaging with this history through family oral histories, university theses, and community heritage projects, especially as the original survivors pass away.

Conclusion

14 June 1941 stands as a symbol of one of the most traumatic events in modern Baltic history: the forced removal and suffering of tens of thousands at the hands of the Soviet regime. 

It is remembered today in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania with deep solemnity and as a reaffirmation of national endurance. 

In Australia, the Baltic communities honour their ancestors' suffering and survival, ensuring that this part of 20th-century history is not forgotten, even far from the forests of Siberia or the cattle wagons of 1941. 

Through remembrance, education, and cultural expression, the tragedy of June 14 continues to shape Baltic identity and the global understanding of the consequences of totalitarianism.

More

How the June 1941 mass deportations affected people in other newly acquired Soviet satellite states is described in the Soviet Mass Deportations — June 1941 page of the Kresy-Siberia Foundation's Website at https://kresy-siberia.org/museum-galleries/soviet-mass-deportations-1940-41/soviet-mass-deportations/june-1941/.  Accounts of earlier mass deportations which affected other Eastern European countries can be accessed from this page also.