03 July 2026

Alexander Nõmm (1922-2000): Sportsman, Builder, Family Man, by Ann Tündern-Smith and Silvi Nõmm Simpson

[Silvi Nõmm Simpson is the daughter of Aleksander.]

The photograph below comes from the collection of Aleksander Nõmm. It shows him with 3 Lithuanians, whose names he could not remember.

Aleksander Nõmm is seated on the running board of the truck in this photograph
which we have used 3 times already in this blog, for Edvardas Lapinskas on the left,
Bernardas Matkevičius in the cab and Juozas Nakas on the right
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

Fortunately, it matches exactly with a photograph already supplied by Diana Bučiūtė, a niece of Juozas Nakas, who wrote his life story for this blog. There it was 3 named Lithuanians with an unindentified Estonian.

Now identified, Aleksander was born on a farm on the Estonian island of Saaremaa on 8 May 1922. He was named after his uncle, also Aleksander. Estonians often shorten Aleksander to Sass or sometimes Sander. His uncle was known already as Sander so the younger Aleksander got Sass.

Aged 18 or 19 in 1941, he found himself conscripted by the Soviet military machine into servitude in Russia. This was a period of his life about which he did not like to talk much.

He later believed that his loss of taste and smell was due to the freezing winters he spent in Siberia nearly starving, but being a farm boy, he knew what to eat to survive. His work was mainly building barracks, which meant that he developed carpentry skills which he could offer the Australian migration selection team in 1947.

After three years in Siberia, Aleksander was able to return to Estonia when the Soviets used all the manpower they could find to advance against the German occupation of the Baltic States.

Another Estonian who came to Australia in November 1947 on the First Transport with Aleksander, a man maybe 15 centimetres shorter than Aleks (who was nearly 2 metres tall), once told Ann that there was one Estonian on the ship of whom others were afraid. This was because he was a big man who had walked all the way back from Siberia.

At the time, Ann imagined an escapee on a solitary journey, living off the land. Even if the other Estonian was describing someone who had survived a walk from Siberia with a military unit, he still was talking about a massive effort. It could have been an effort which lost many participants under its wartime conditions. It was a walk from Asia, across Europe to an island off its west coast.

Back on Saaremaa, he joined other local men in what was meant to be a surprise attack from the rear on the German occupiers of their island. However, two German machine-gunners were able to fight off the invaders. Most were killed as the seawater turned crimson with their blood.

Sass was among a handful of survivors taken to Germany as prisoners-of-war. They left from the port of Mõntu on Saaremaa's Sõrve Peninsula.

The report of his interview for possible migration to Australia repeats some of this, saying that he arrived in Germany in October 1944, brought as a prisoner-of-war.

The carpentry skills that Sass said he had developed in Siberia were in great shortage at the time of his interview. As we’ve reported in some other entries in this blog, building was minimal during the War. Many of the people with the necessary skills were in the military, the Federal Government had brought in restrictions and the building that did go on mostly was for military needs.

So what did the selection team write on its report of the interview? Occupational suitability: “Heavy general labouring”. This is why “labourer” Nikolai Müristaja landing a first job in his watch-making profession in an earlier entry is so amazing.

The middle of three sons, Sass was the only one who was taken westwards by the Germans. After the Soviet occupation of 1944, his older brother, Heimar, decided to remain in the woods and fight. He became was the Estonians call a “forest brother” or metsavend.

While he participated in a guerrilla war from his forest bunker, the younger brother (Artur) and a sister 10 years younger than Sass (Linda) were the ones who kept Heimar supplied with food from the farm. Heimar and Artur were caught.

Heimar, the metsavend, was sentenced to a mere 10 years in a labour camp for treason. Artur received a 5 year sentence for assisting treason.

The thinking behind the March 1949 deportations from the Baltic States to the Gulag is said to have been, “Your family member is there already so you can join them”. It also was expected to destroy the economic base of the Kulaks, the small farmers, a class to which the Nõmm parents belonged. Thirdly, it was expected to destroy support for the Forest Brothers. Father, Jaan, then 63 years old and mother, Marie, then 56, were rounded up and sent off to Siberia for an indefinite period, the rest of their lives.

Sass’ sister Linda had caught pneumonia and was being cared by family friends. This meant that she was not at home when the authorities came looking for the family of Heimar and Artur. She was not deported.

Heimar and Artur did hard labour, shovelling hazardous materials, and it is believed in the family that this is why they both died young. Artur was lucky enough to have been released in December 1951, from a camp in the Archangel Oblast, having served a 4 and a half year sentence, and no doubt expected to survive as best he could. He died in 1986, still in a Communist country, aged 61.

Heimar was released in July 1955, from a camp in the Komi Autonomous Republic in the northeast of European Russia (around 1,000 Km east of the Archangel area) after 8 and half years of hard labour. He died in January 1981, also aged 61. In contrast, Linda was 78 when she died, her mother was 82, her father was 2 days past his 89th birthday, and Sass lived until he was 98.

As for destroying support for the Forest Brothers, Estonia had a least 2 who died without giving up, in 1980 and 1987, even after the last active one drowned himself rather than surrender when caught fishing by the KGB in 1978. The last Forest Brother of all was Jānis Pīnups, who emerged from the Latvian forests in 1995.

After his liberation in Germany in March 1945, towards the end of World War 2, Sass was in the Oberkassel camp on the Rhine River. He remembers Canadian Red Cross parcels were received by the camp administration but the managers took out the cigarettes, coffee and best clothes for themselves.

By 1947 he had moved to one of the four camps for Estonian displaced persons in the town of Melle. It was there that he heard about the Australians seeking young men and women to work in their country.

Aleksander in Melle, Germany, 1947

Sass reckoned that he had his first real meal in six years on board the General Stuart Heintzelman. He was employed in the shipboard butcher’s shop for the duration of the voyage. Like other non-smokers, he used the freely issued American cigarettes to barter for other luxuries.

He remembered that the ship had steam turbines and a system which condensed the steam, giving plenty of fresh drinking water and allowing the use of large shower rooms. (Another passenger on a later voyage to Australia told Ann that the showers were hot, something special in those days.)

Those people who had brought musical instruments on board the Heintzelman formed a dance band which played during the evenings. The tables in the Heintzelman mess facilities could be hoisted up to the ceiling to create a dance floor.

Sass learnt modern dances, such as the samba, rumba and tango, while he was in Germany. He said he was best at the tango, but he was not musical or a folk-dancer.

On the train to Bonegilla, Sass thought that his first sight of eastern Australian countryside was “like a desert”. In early December, the fields were dry already. The yellow grass was a shock because he had thought that Australia was going to be mainly tropical.

Bonegilla itself was very exciting for the young Estonian men at first. They even found the local rabbits exciting. Sass remembers letting two of them loose in the barracks. Possums invaded the barracks without human assistance.

They went swimming in Lake Hume and found that they could catch yabbies for meals. There were big fish in the Lake also, near the Hume Weir, but their attempts to catch them were unsuccessful.

Those who returned late to the barracks would be welcomed with a bucket of cold water perched carefully on top of the partially open door.

Busloads of girls turned up from Wodonga and Albury to meet the new young men in the camp. Despite his dancing skills, Sass was afraid to take any of the girls to a dance as they were well dressed, while he “looked like a scarecrow”.

While in Bonegilla, the displaced persons received 5/- per week “tobacco money” for personal spending, after the costs of their board were deducted from their social security payments. At that time, a packet of tobacco cost 2/6.

His first Australian employer was the company of CJ Row, Webb and Anderson which operated what Sass called the Eildon timber mill. We know it from the Bonegilla cards as a timber mill at Thornton, about 12 Kilometres away from the better-known township of Eildon. Both are more than 130 Kilometres away from the company’s headquarters in South Melbourne. Given that much of the trip is on rural roads, it still is around 2½ hours drive between South Melbourne and Thornton or Eildon.

Sass reported Row and Webb were generous Australians, counterbalanced by Anderson, a “stingy Pom”. Sass received a minimum of £5/12/- for a five-day week, from which he paid 16/- tax and 36/- for accommodation and board. This left £3/-/- to spend or save.

Aleksander stacks timber at the Thornton mill
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

After three or four months, his weekly wages went up to £7/10/-. Also, he found that he could earn an extra £3 on Saturday mornings doing piecework for Mr Webb. However, the accommodation provided was in barracks which had grass growing through the gaps in the floor. The gaps also permitted lizards to make forays through the barracks.

Aleksander (left) and another employee among the stacked timber
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

While he was at Thornton, Sass attended English classes four days a week. Among the other DPs employed by Row, Webb and Anderson were the 3 Lithuanians in the photo above, who spoke to him in German, so he learnt some German there also. He had not picked up the German language while in Germany as he always was in camps with other Estonians.

Three Lithuanians and an Estonian again, with their clothes suggesting that this photo was taken in the same session as the truck photo: from the left, Edvardas Lapinskas, Aleksander, Bernardas Matkevičius and Juozas Nakas, with the CJ Row, Webb & Anderson sawmill in the background
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

After finishing his compulsory employment at the Thornton Mill, Sass was able to find other work, but it was “three weeks here, six weeks there”. The Dunlop tyre company provided him with better employment, but best of all was Kraft Foods.

He started work with Kraft in 1953 and stayed with the company more than thirty years, until he retired in 1985. He was employed as a storeman, and a forklift driver and eventually in the company’s office.

At some stage, possibly even in his Estonian youth, Sass took up sport. As mentioned already, he was tall, and of medium build when younger, so he had the right body for a sportsman. His speciality in Australia was the shotput and javelin, until he damaged his shoulder.

Oberkassel, Germany, 1946:  Two volleyball teams with their trainers/managers
in plain clothes in the middle of the front row, with Sass 4th from the left
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

In December 1949, a sports writer for the Melbourne Herald listed him as one of 9 javelin throwers invited to tests for inclusion in the Victorian athletics team. Success would lead to the Australian championships and inclusion in the team for the Empire Games (now the Commonwealth Games) in Auckland, New Zealand, two months later.

The Australian Estonian newspaper, Meie Kodu, reported in January 1950 that he had competed in the Victorian Athletics Championships, despite the heat affecting all competitors. Affiliated with the Box Hill Club, he was placed third in the javelin. It looks like Sass just missed out on the Victorian team in the leadup to an Australian team for the Empire Games.

The first Australian Estonian Sporting Games were held in Melbourne during Easter 1954. Sass did well, coming second in the long jump with a leap of 5.78 metres and second also in the shotput, with a throw of 11.53 metres.

In June 1954, Sass was participating in an Estonian volleyball team which was involved in trial games against others to determine the grades in which eventually they would play. The Estonian team had won its 3 games so far. The following month, Meie Kodu reported that they had defeated a Greek team, Olympic (of course), maintaining a record of 5 wins and no losses.

Meie Kodu also reported in the same month that Sass had chaired a meeting of Melbourne sportspeople and was chosen to be the coach of the girl’s handball team.

Another Australian Estonian Sporting Games were held in 1955. Sass came second in the long jump again, with a slightly shorter jump of 5.74 metres. It looks like there was no shotput competition.

He wasn’t just a sportsman. He successfully played bridge as well. As early as July 1954, Meie Kodu was reporting Sass coming second in a bridge doubles competition when partnering another First Transport arrival, Sven Kiviväli.

By 1957, Sass was building his own house in the northern Melbourne suburb of Fawkner, having married Irene Sein who arrived in Australia in 1949. Their only child, Silvi, was born while the house was going up. Silvi worked as a librarian, married and provided 2 grandchildren to Sass and Irene. Mrs Nõmm also had an older son. The family moved into the Fawkner house in 1958.

That year was also the year when Sass became an Australian citizen, with Irene on 5 March 1958.

A turning point must have been reached in 1957-58, with marriage, house-building and citizenship, as there are no more digitised reports of A. Nõmm’s sporting achievements.

At the time of writing in 2026, Melbourne Estonians had held a Last Hurrah weekend to farewell their Estonian House on Melville Road in West Coburg 6 weeks previously. Back in 1971, they were renovating the recently acquired former cinema. A contributor to Meie Kodu listed those who turned up every weekend to help, including Sass and his bridge partner, Sven Kiviväli.

All dressed up and somewhere to go, 9 Estonians from the First Transport, probably in Melbourne's recently renovated Estonian House:  Standing, left to right, Ants Sumberg, Valentin Reesel, Erich Väli, know to all as "Potsa", Lembit Koplus (looking really happy to have left Pyramid Hill), Kalev Veermäe, Sven Kiviväli, and kneeling, left to right, Ralf Knuude, maybe Mihkel Kaige, Aleksander Nõmm 
Source:  Collection of Aleksander Nõmm

After arriving in Australia, Sass has lived and worked only in Victoria, but travelled by car through NSW, South Australia and as far north as Mossman in Queensland. He undertook bus tours of Tasmania and from the centre of Australia to Darwin. He and Irene toured New Zealand.

Ill health, however, prevented travel back to Estonia, even after its second independence in 1991. He didn’t actually want to go, because he wanted the memories of how things were to stay in his mind.

Irene died on 29 March 2008, days short of her 86th birthday. This was the point when Sass had to leave the home he had built himself. He lived with his daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren for nearly 3 years. Then more health issues forced him into retirement care with Claremont Terrace Aged Care, McKinnon, near where his family lived.

Sass stayed there for another 9 years, passing the respectable age of 98 years. The ashes of both Sass and Irene rest in the Estonian section of the Fawkner Memorial Park in northern Melbourne.

SOURCES

Estonia’s Victims of Communism, Search Nõmm https://www.memoriaal.ee/en/search/?q=N%C3%B5mm&f=all, accessed 1 July 2026.

Hayward, Steve (1949) ‘Jack Davey's Test In Six-Mile Event’, Herald, Melbourne, 8 December, p 27 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/244143925, accessed 19 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1950) 'Melbourneist' (‘From Melbourne’, in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 26 January, p 4, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article85529847, accessed 10 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1953) 'Melbourne', (In Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 27 August, p4, https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1953/08/27/4, accessed 14 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) ‘Terves kehas terve vaim' (‘A healthy mind in a healthy body', in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 29 April, p 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article85536610, accessed 10 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) 'Melbourne' (in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 1 July, p 2, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article85536914, accessed 19 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) 'Sport, Melbourne' (In Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 8 July, p 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article85536935, accessed 10 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) 'Melbourne' (in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 15 July, p 3, https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/85536971, accessed 19 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) Sydney, NSW, 'Melbourne', (In Estonian) 15 July, p 3 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1954/07/15/3, accessed 14 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1954) 'Melbourne', (In Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 29 July, p 5, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article85537041, accessed 11 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1955) ‘Rekordid kõnelevad’ (‘The records speak for themselves’, in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 10 February, p 3, https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1955/02/10/3, accessed 14 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1971) ‘Eesti Maja’ (‘Estonian House’, in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 14 October, p 2 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1971/10/14/2, accessed 14 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1972) ‘Rahvuskapitali Tänu’ (‘National Fund Thanks’, in Estonian, Sydney, NSW, 20 September, p 2 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1972/09/20/2, accessed 16 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1974) ‘Melbourne, Märkmeid Yarra-Linnast’ (‘Melbourne, Notes from the City on the Yarra’, in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 11 September, p 3 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1974/09/11/3, accessed 16 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1981) ‘Rahvuskapitali Tänu’ (‘National Fund Thanks’, in Estonian, Sydney, NSW, 9 September, p 2 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1981/09/09/2, accessed 17 June 2026.

Meie Kodu (Our Home) (1985) ‘Meie Kodu tänab Toetuskaardid’ (‘Meie Kodu Thanks Supporter Cards’, in Estonian) Sydney, NSW, 9 September, p 14 https://dea.digar.ee/page/meiekodu/1985/12/18/14, accessed 17 June 2026.

National Archives of Australia: Department of Immigration, Central Office; A11772, Migrant Selection Documents for Displaced Persons who travelled to Australia per General Stuart Heintzelman departing Bremerhaven 30 October 1947, 1947-1947; 212, NOMM Aleksander DOB 8 May 1922, 1947-1947 recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=5005625, accessed 17 June 2026.

National Archives of Australia: Migrant Reception and Training Centre, Bonegilla [Victoria]; A2571, Name Index Cards, Migrants Registration [Bonegilla], 1947-1956; NOMM ALEXANDER, NOMM, Alexander : Year of Birth - 1922 : Nationality - ESTONIAN : Travelled per - GEN. HEINTZELMAN : Number – 608, 1947-1948 recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=203902046, accessed 17 June 2026.

Nõmm, Aleksander (2003) Personal communications, 9 January and 16 September.

01 July 2026

The “Heintzelman” Builder’s Labourers by Ann Tündern-Smith

We have noted several times already in this blog that there was a shortage of buildings, especially homes, for those returning from overseas after World War I, let alone newly arriving Displaced Persons. We suggested that this was due to the men who would’ve been building being otherwise engaged during the period of the War.

I’m reading Stuart McIntyre’s book on Australia’s Boldest Experiment, subtitled War and reconstruction in the 1940s. In it, Stuart pointed out that the housing situation before World War II already could have been described as a dire.

I’d rather quote Stuart than try to summarise his careful arguments and his supporting detail. Here we go, from pages 175–78.

“There was mounting concern during the later 1930s with conditions in the inner suburbs and the State governments of New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria all commissioned inquiries. All painted a grim picture of neglect and decay.

“The most substantial, the 1937 report of Victoria’s Housing Investigation and Slum Abolition Board, described ‘congested areas' of inner Melbourne with as many as 49 dwellings an acre crowded into narrow laneways, ‘blighted areas’ where terraces were cheek by jowl with noxious industries, and ‘decadent areas’ where larger houses that had fallen into disrepair were divided by plywood or hessian partitions into sub-lets.”

Little Oxford Street, Collingwood, Melbourne, beautifully photographed
by F. Oswald Barnett about 1935:  Note the tiny size of the nearest home
(Stuart Macintyre says that Barnett was the driving force behind the slum abolition
 movement in Melbourne)

[At a density of “49 dwellings an acre”, each dwelling occupied, on average, about 83 m² of land. However, on those inner-Melbourne laneways, many dwellings might have been tiny 19th century cottages or terraces built wall-to-wall, on very narrow allotments (sometimes only 3–5 metres wide), sharing laneways, yards, privies, and other facilities. Some cottages may have stood on only 40–70 m² of land, while the remainder was taken up by the lanes, tiny yards, and shared spaces. Modern housing developments would allow at least 10 times that amount of land for each home, including the garden separating it from its neighbours, although apartment blocks are different.]

“The (Victorian) Board’s external inspection of residences within an 8-kilometre radius of the city centre led to an internal examination of 6390 residences. It found that great majority had no kitchen, a third had no bathroom, and a quarter had neither gas nor electricity. They were disfigured by leaking roofs, unsound floors and defective drainage, poor ventilation, damp, and subject to rat and vermin infestation. Half were judged unfit for habitation without repair, the other half incapable of reclamation.

“New South Wales and South Australia reached similar conclusions and each created an authority with powers to remove slums and build affordable housing. These new dwellings had barely made a dent in the backlog when the onset of the Pacific War brought civilian construction to a standstill.

“… most (slum) residents would respond if removed from their blighted environment and decanted into new, improved accommodation under appropriate supervision. But this could not happen unless the government made good the failure of the housing industry. There was a shortage of houses because construction had come to halt during the Depression, and an insufficiency of rental accommodation at prices those on low incomes could afford. The solution lay in public housing built more efficiently to proper standards and let at subsidised rents.

“The Commonwealth used a variety of war controls on land sales, mortgage borrowing, building permits and materials to prevent house building and restrict renovations to minor repairs. Recruitment and manpower regulations attenuated the construction workforce: 28751 dwellings were built in 1941, just 3548 in 1942.

“By then the housing deficiency was estimated to be 150,000, and the tightening of rent controls in December 1941 added to the strain. It was most acute in the metropolitan areas and in country towns where munitions production was undertaken in vast new plants employing thousands of workers who swamped the rental market. A War Workers Housing Trust erected hostels and temporary ‘wartime cottages’ but many had to make do in sheds, garages, caravans and other makeshift accommodation.”

Another study directed by a University of Melbourne economist looked at the conditions in wartime housing. The investigators were mostly young women with Arts degrees who, between September 1941 and January 1943, interviewed one in 30 of all Melbourne households. They collected data on the dwelling, family structure, employment and income. They found that “that a quarter of the kitchens had no water supply and half lacked a hot-water service. Fewer than one in 10 had a refrigerator; about half used ice-chests and the remainder relied on daily purchases of perishables. The survey also revealed a marked disparity between the crowding and lack of amenities in suburbs such as Collingwood, where incomes were low and the overwhelming majority were tenants, and the more spacious homes across the Yarra in Hawthorn and Kew, where ownership was more common and facilities more advanced.”

The same economist then conducted a closer analysis of Melbourne’s “western suburbs, where the war had a marked effect. In addition to Williamstown’s naval dockyard and Newport’s railway workshop, the Sunshine Harvester agricultural implement works and a steel mill, tyre factory and various engineering works in Footscray, all working at full capacity, there were ordnance, ammunitions and explosives factories with more than 20,000 hands. The number employed in secondary industry grew from 23,000 in 1938-39 to over 53,000 in1941-42.

“Earnings also increased: the average household income was 9 pounds 5 shillings by the beginning of 1943 — but then a quarter of all households included relatives or boarders. Because of rent control, the average weekly cost of a four-room house in the area was low, just over 18 shillings — if you could find one vacant.

“These suburbs had not been included in the earlier Board inquiry and their housing stock differed from that of the inner suburbs: it consisted overwhelmingly of single-storey, detached residences, most of four or five rooms. While … only 5 per cent (were seen as) uninhabitable, a fifth had no sink or running water in the kitchen, half lacked a refrigerator or ice-chest, half again had no hot water in the bathroom and a tiny minority provided an internal toilet. With no possibility of remedying these deficiencies and a shortage of such basic materials as paint, most householders did what maintenance they could and saved for future improvements.”

Inner northern Melbourne was where our First Transport passengers were looking for accommodation as soon as they left employment where it was provided. We’ve looked at several who lived and worked in those western suburbs, which is why I’ve used a quote from Stuart Macintyre to describe the conditions that they still might have found in 1949 and into the early 1950s.

I have quoted from Stuart because I had not been factoring in the impact of the 1930s Depression on housing construction in Australia, nor Federal WWII controls on building activity, let alone realising the lack of amenities that we now take for granted in the housing that did exist.

I think that Stuart concentrated on studies of housing in Melbourne because that was where he lived and taught. He has noted already that the findings of the investigations were similar in Sydney and Adelaide.

Stuart was a professor of history at the University of Melbourne, who retired from that position in 2013 and died in 2021. One reason why I am reading his book on Australia’s Boldest Experiment is because Stuart and I were contemporaries at the University of Melbourne in our student days. I remember him well from our joint activities for the Amnesty International groups at that university. The other reason should be obvious to followers of this blog: it is about Australia in the 1940s, about the Australia into which our First Transport passengers found themselves entering in the hope of new lives.

It is quite possible that those living on Baltic farms before World War II lived in conditions similar to those described in 1937-1943 Melbourne, probably without running water, certainly without hot water services, without refrigeration and with external toilets. Since the DP camps often were in military barracks or similar communal accommodation, at least they might have had running water and internal toilets. But, reader, do not for one moment think that their initial accommodation after Bonegilla was roughly like you live today.

Another person in my life relevant to this story was George Kiddle. George was one of the 3-man team who interviewed the Displaced Persons who had heard, in September-October 1947, about the possibility of moving from post-War Germany to Australia. He also was the head, during 1978-81, of the Department of Immigration branch where I was working. Mind you, it was only on his last day at work that I realised that he was one of the 3 responsible for selecting my mother, and so responsible for my birth as an Australian.

I think it was George who told me something along the lines of building worker numbers in Australia being so short of what was required that anyone who had helped erect a shed on the family farm was a candidate for Australia.

The selection team did their best and succeeded in choosing 75 men who they regarded as suitable to work as Builder’s Labourers in Australia. Additionally, as noted in the case of Aleksander Nõmm, there were others with suitable experience who were described as Labourers instead.

At a guess, only 2 of the 75 were sent to work as Builder’s Labourers. Albinas Navickas and Jonas Strankauskas were allocated to the Department of Works and Housing, Woomera, SA, after a sawmill in Navickas’ case and fruit-picking plus casual labouring at Bonegilla for Strankauskas. We have been told elsewhere though that Albinas worked as a Linesman and Strankauskas was put onto joinery after initial labouring. The initial labouring just might have been supporting builders at Woomera.

I’m fairly sure that the 4 selected as Builder's Labourers but sent to brick-making companies were more likely to be employed in stacking bricks than building new houses from them. We know for sure that this was the case for 2 of the 5 sent to the Canberra Brickworks, but note that none of them were selected as Builder’s Labourers.

Mismatch? Yes! I think that what may have happened is that the Commonwealth Employment Service staff in the Bonegilla camp operated on a “first come, first served” basis in distributing the new arrivals to employers looking for labour, and the foresters, timber mills and brick manufacturers got in ahead of the builders.

Part of my purpose in running this blog is to look at the extent to which individuals were able to continue their careers in the context of what were then well known labour and staff shortages in various industries and occupations.

Right now, I can nominate only 3 Estonians, Nikolai Müristaja, Helgi Nirk and Ernst Kesa, and one Lithuanian, Kazimieras Balkauskas, as finding work in Australia which fitted well with their previous interests and training. Then there were some others, like Endrius Jankus, Albinas Kutka and Edvins Baulis, who trained in Australia and ran their own businesses. Most found an employer they liked and laboured for them – or went from employer to employer if they were less lucky.

MORE:

Australian Department of Home Affairs (2009) Oral History — George Kiddle https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&channel=entpr&q=%22george+kiddle%22#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:7f244f7e,vid:RI1Y3qYqkN8,st:0, accessed 28 June 2026.

Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne (2021) ‘Vale Professor Stuart Macintyre AO’ https://arts.unimelb.edu.au/news/past-news/vale-professor-stuart-macintyre-ao, accessed 27 June 2026.

Macintyre, Stuart (2015) Australia’s Boldest Experiment: War and reconstruction in the 1940s. Sydney, New South Publishing.